Over reading break, one of the last things on my mind has been death. I have found it hard to come up with blog ideas while relaxing and reading? And I certainly hadn't managed to come up with anything interesting until this morning. During breakfast with friends and family, the UVic bunny issue came up. Even though we are all unsure as to what exactly happened to the majority of the rabbits, it's quite clear that most were sent to the big bunny farm in the sky.
In the case of UVic, the rabbits are a pest that are destroying the land and causing millions of dollars of damage every year. It is quite a dilema though, because as has been proven true, you can't get away with simply killing them off. And clearly, giving them away didn't work out so well for some of them either. This got me thinking...is there any way we could cull the UVic rabbits without upsetting the bunny activists? I did a bit of research and here's what I found.
Dr. Salima Ikram, of the American University in Cairo, has been researching Egyptian methods of animal mummification. The ancient Egyptians worshiped animals as incarnations of the gods, and therefore their mummification was very important and precise. I find this approach to animal death very interesting, and see some parallels today (for example, many people have their pets cremated and keep the ashes on their mantle. Some even use taxidermy to keep their pets "alive"). Although my reasons for suggesting bunny mummies at UVic are slightly different, I think it's an intriguing idea!
I imagine it is a rather expensive procedure, but it can't be too much more than the cost incurred by bunny damage every year. If we were to mummify the UVic rabbits, perhaps the bunny activists would see that the rabbits are being respected, but the problem would still be eliminated. I'm not too sure what to do with the rabbits after mummification though....it could get quite creepy.
I realize this is a somewhat morbid and cynical post, but I can assure you I am the absolute farthest thing from an animal-hater. In fact, I have spent several months doing volunteer work in animal conservation! But if there has to be death involved with the UVic bunny situation, morbid as it may be, I think bunny mummies might just satisfy everyone involved.
Sunday, February 27, 2011
Wednesday, February 9, 2011
Memorial Monument Analysis
A Survey of Children's Graves
View Naked and Beheaded: A Survey of Roman Catholic Childrens' Graves in a larger map
1. This data set of this survey includes 11 children's graves in Ross Bay Cemetery, Victoria BC (see map). Although there are 12 burials associated with the 11 monuments, one headstone stands for twins, only one of which died as a child, and we therefore did not include the older burial in our study. To eliminate broad conflicts of style and distribution, and to effectively shrink our sample to a manageable size, we selected only the graves of children under 10 years old in the south easternmost corner of the cemetery. However, we recognize that in analyzing only one specific section, there is an inherent limitation in interpretation and comparison within the cemetery. The small sample size and analysis using a single cemetery is also problematic, reducing a much larger mode of cultural expression to a very modest representation. Given the scope of this assignment, however, we feel that we made the best choices available to perform a comprehensive study.
2. Our research focused on two main questions: What is the variation (distribution, style, alignment, and weathering) among the graves?, when were the children buried?, and can this information tell us anything about life in Victoria over the time represented in our sample?
3. The analysis of our data set, consisting of 11 child burials in the Ross Bay Cemetery, was effective in answering our research questions. According to the Old Cemetery Society of Victoria's website, this south eastern corner of the cemetery hold Roman Catholic, Anglican, and general burials. Given the time period of burials and the broader cultural influence of the time, as well as the conformity of the section, it is reasonable to assume that even most general graves were of a Christian denomination. Despite a lack of outside sources of information, we found some consistencies in burial type over time, suggesting a continuity of Christian religious thinking. We also found some variation in the number and distribution of graves that appear to be related to certain time frames and broader social circumstances.
Consistencies in burial practice were most pronounced in the analysis of grave alignments - all graves surveyed were aligned East-West, although there was no apparent preference for which direction the individual was facing. As discussed in class, this directional orientation is typical of Christian internments. The decision of east or west facing appears to have been based on the layout of the cemetery, and respect for the pre-determined organizational rows. In agreement with Deirdre Crombie's analysis of nineteenth century Catholic child graves in the Barony of Dunmore, however, despite great variation in the size, weathering and location of the graves, many had a clear burial demarcation of stone (rectangular), filled with earth and containing the grave-marker (Crombie, D. 1988). In our analysis, 6 graves had a stone boundary (others had boundaries of other materials, see map), 10 had an earthen surface, and all had a grave-marker (see map). This comparison shows remarkable Christian religious burial practice continuity over continent and century. With this in mind, I interpret much of the variation (weathering or upkeep/replacement of the headstone, type of headstone and grave, etc.) to be the result of individual choice, while keeping within the acceptable practices.
In a more socially-based approach, it is interesting to note that 7 of the children were buried between 1917 and 1937, 2 were buried in the 1990s, and the remaining 2 graves were not dated, although they appear quite old, being very weathered (see map; example, Mary Planche). The large portion of graves from the early twentieth century could be due to a number of factors; World War I; the depression; general poor population health; and the age of the cemetery. According to Guyard et al.'s article on changing population health (which is closely related to social factors such as war and depression), in the early 1900s, the child (from 1-20 years) mortality rate was nearly 3%, which is extraordinary high in comparison to modern rates in developed nations (Guyard, B. et al. 2000). Given these influences, I hardly find it surprising that the majority of the child burials fall in this time period. This is a factor that would affect all groups, not just Christians, and we would expect to see similar effects aspects of the archaeological record for populations of any culture. For example, it may be the case that the variation in gravestones is due to differences in wealth which would be more pronounced in times of hardship. Another interesting point, is that the grave of Robert David Player is separated from the rest of the children's graves by a section of war burials. This, I believe, is further indication of an outside social influence at the time of death.
In conclusion, our survey effectively answered our research questions. We found continuity in the East-West alignment of the graves, and to a certain degree in distribution (even spread except for the war burials). However, both style and weathering were highly variable, showing a level of personal choice in the burials. As the large majority of the children surveyed died and were buried between 1917 and 1927, it is reasonable to imply the hardships of war and poor health standards as a factor in this large percentage of childhood deaths, while taking the age of the cemetery itself into account. While these social aspects of life, and subsequent improvements, are visible in these monuments, I believe that a broader survey would show similar effects for all groups at the time.
Work Cited
Bernard, G., 2000. Annual Summary of Vital Statistics: Trends in the Health of Americans During the 20th Century. In: Pediatrics, 106(6), p.1307-1317.
Crombie, D., 1988. Children's Burial Grounds in the Barony of Dunmore: A Preliminary Note. In: Journal of the Galway Archaeological and Historical Society, 41, p.149-151.
Old Cemetery Society of Victoria, no date. Ross Bay Cemetery: Sections [Online] (no date) Available at: http://www.oldcem.bc.ca/cem_rb_sec.htm [Accessed 10 February 2011].
View Naked and Beheaded: A Survey of Roman Catholic Childrens' Graves in a larger map
1. This data set of this survey includes 11 children's graves in Ross Bay Cemetery, Victoria BC (see map). Although there are 12 burials associated with the 11 monuments, one headstone stands for twins, only one of which died as a child, and we therefore did not include the older burial in our study. To eliminate broad conflicts of style and distribution, and to effectively shrink our sample to a manageable size, we selected only the graves of children under 10 years old in the south easternmost corner of the cemetery. However, we recognize that in analyzing only one specific section, there is an inherent limitation in interpretation and comparison within the cemetery. The small sample size and analysis using a single cemetery is also problematic, reducing a much larger mode of cultural expression to a very modest representation. Given the scope of this assignment, however, we feel that we made the best choices available to perform a comprehensive study.
2. Our research focused on two main questions: What is the variation (distribution, style, alignment, and weathering) among the graves?, when were the children buried?, and can this information tell us anything about life in Victoria over the time represented in our sample?
3. The analysis of our data set, consisting of 11 child burials in the Ross Bay Cemetery, was effective in answering our research questions. According to the Old Cemetery Society of Victoria's website, this south eastern corner of the cemetery hold Roman Catholic, Anglican, and general burials. Given the time period of burials and the broader cultural influence of the time, as well as the conformity of the section, it is reasonable to assume that even most general graves were of a Christian denomination. Despite a lack of outside sources of information, we found some consistencies in burial type over time, suggesting a continuity of Christian religious thinking. We also found some variation in the number and distribution of graves that appear to be related to certain time frames and broader social circumstances.
Consistencies in burial practice were most pronounced in the analysis of grave alignments - all graves surveyed were aligned East-West, although there was no apparent preference for which direction the individual was facing. As discussed in class, this directional orientation is typical of Christian internments. The decision of east or west facing appears to have been based on the layout of the cemetery, and respect for the pre-determined organizational rows. In agreement with Deirdre Crombie's analysis of nineteenth century Catholic child graves in the Barony of Dunmore, however, despite great variation in the size, weathering and location of the graves, many had a clear burial demarcation of stone (rectangular), filled with earth and containing the grave-marker (Crombie, D. 1988). In our analysis, 6 graves had a stone boundary (others had boundaries of other materials, see map), 10 had an earthen surface, and all had a grave-marker (see map). This comparison shows remarkable Christian religious burial practice continuity over continent and century. With this in mind, I interpret much of the variation (weathering or upkeep/replacement of the headstone, type of headstone and grave, etc.) to be the result of individual choice, while keeping within the acceptable practices.
In a more socially-based approach, it is interesting to note that 7 of the children were buried between 1917 and 1937, 2 were buried in the 1990s, and the remaining 2 graves were not dated, although they appear quite old, being very weathered (see map; example, Mary Planche). The large portion of graves from the early twentieth century could be due to a number of factors; World War I; the depression; general poor population health; and the age of the cemetery. According to Guyard et al.'s article on changing population health (which is closely related to social factors such as war and depression), in the early 1900s, the child (from 1-20 years) mortality rate was nearly 3%, which is extraordinary high in comparison to modern rates in developed nations (Guyard, B. et al. 2000). Given these influences, I hardly find it surprising that the majority of the child burials fall in this time period. This is a factor that would affect all groups, not just Christians, and we would expect to see similar effects aspects of the archaeological record for populations of any culture. For example, it may be the case that the variation in gravestones is due to differences in wealth which would be more pronounced in times of hardship. Another interesting point, is that the grave of Robert David Player is separated from the rest of the children's graves by a section of war burials. This, I believe, is further indication of an outside social influence at the time of death.
In conclusion, our survey effectively answered our research questions. We found continuity in the East-West alignment of the graves, and to a certain degree in distribution (even spread except for the war burials). However, both style and weathering were highly variable, showing a level of personal choice in the burials. As the large majority of the children surveyed died and were buried between 1917 and 1927, it is reasonable to imply the hardships of war and poor health standards as a factor in this large percentage of childhood deaths, while taking the age of the cemetery itself into account. While these social aspects of life, and subsequent improvements, are visible in these monuments, I believe that a broader survey would show similar effects for all groups at the time.
Work Cited
Bernard, G., 2000. Annual Summary of Vital Statistics: Trends in the Health of Americans During the 20th Century. In: Pediatrics, 106(6), p.1307-1317.
Crombie, D., 1988. Children's Burial Grounds in the Barony of Dunmore: A Preliminary Note. In: Journal of the Galway Archaeological and Historical Society, 41, p.149-151.
Old Cemetery Society of Victoria, no date. Ross Bay Cemetery: Sections [Online] (no date) Available at: http://www.oldcem.bc.ca/cem_rb_sec.htm [Accessed 10 February 2011].
Monday, February 7, 2011
Field Trip Consequences
This weekend, my group got together to do our field work portion of the monument analysis assignment. We were working in Ross Bay cemetery, on a beautiful sunny day. As we were walking around in our various bright colours, talking, and taking photos and notes, it got me thinking about the proper etiquette of graveyards.
I felt somewhat out of place as a few people in black walked by...by being there for a project, and not to pay my respects, was I being disrespectful? Despite having no personal connection to any of the people buried there, I still found myself walking around the grave markers, being very careful not to step on the actual burials, taking a look at all the graves I passed, and apologizing in my head if I happened to break these rules I had. And despite being somewhat tempted to look beneath cracked gravestones, I didn't, thinking that doing so would be completely unacceptable.There was also a definite mood that set in over the course of our analysis, one of a quiet, peaceful exploration, rather than a search for certain "specimens". Why do graveyards affect us this way and why do we, as individuals rather than a culture, treat the dead the way we do?
This is, of course, a question without one single answer. Decades of cultural integration, change, and pragmatic decisions have influenced our behavior. We learn from our parents and take these lessons and make them fit with our own personal views. It seems like a lot of practice must go into this kind of code. But I have only ever been present at one funeral, and the only other graveyards I have visited have been on walks through historic churches or other similar situations. So I found it kind of funny that I had such a strong reaction, wanting to follow the "proper" etiquette in Ross Bay cemetery.
The emotional experience of being there also gave me a new perspective on the practice of archaeology. Being an anthropology student (and taking a class on death), I have obviously been exposed to many burials, burial practices, excavations, explorations, etc etc etc. Until Saturday, however, I found it hard to think of the individuals uncovered in excavations as people, with names, families, and a whole history of life behind them. Ross Bay showed me that it is actually very possible to have a connection to burials, even if they are very old. Having personally felt those connections, I feel that I now have a much better appreciation for the moral dilemmas associated with archaeology and the complex understandings involved in decisions and negotiations with other culture groups (like excavations of First Nations graves, for example). I guess now I have a personal conflict about whether or not excavations are the right way to discover the past - I love the information that comes out of excavations, but it is so important to understand the culture and their practices before we go and dig everyone up, to make sure that it would be somehow "ok" with them. And then, of course, this is a catch 22. How can we know anything about them if we have nothing to study?
I guess I've just now caught on to a debate that has been going on for a long time. I doubt I'll be the one to answer any of these questions, but I feel better now that I am able to fully comprehend both sides. Maybe it will make me a better archaeologist, or maybe it will make me quit, but either way, it is an interesting struggle that has really managed to dig itself into my brain!
I felt somewhat out of place as a few people in black walked by...by being there for a project, and not to pay my respects, was I being disrespectful? Despite having no personal connection to any of the people buried there, I still found myself walking around the grave markers, being very careful not to step on the actual burials, taking a look at all the graves I passed, and apologizing in my head if I happened to break these rules I had. And despite being somewhat tempted to look beneath cracked gravestones, I didn't, thinking that doing so would be completely unacceptable.There was also a definite mood that set in over the course of our analysis, one of a quiet, peaceful exploration, rather than a search for certain "specimens". Why do graveyards affect us this way and why do we, as individuals rather than a culture, treat the dead the way we do?
 |
| Our group at Ross Bay Cemetery - are the smiles too much? |
This is, of course, a question without one single answer. Decades of cultural integration, change, and pragmatic decisions have influenced our behavior. We learn from our parents and take these lessons and make them fit with our own personal views. It seems like a lot of practice must go into this kind of code. But I have only ever been present at one funeral, and the only other graveyards I have visited have been on walks through historic churches or other similar situations. So I found it kind of funny that I had such a strong reaction, wanting to follow the "proper" etiquette in Ross Bay cemetery.
The emotional experience of being there also gave me a new perspective on the practice of archaeology. Being an anthropology student (and taking a class on death), I have obviously been exposed to many burials, burial practices, excavations, explorations, etc etc etc. Until Saturday, however, I found it hard to think of the individuals uncovered in excavations as people, with names, families, and a whole history of life behind them. Ross Bay showed me that it is actually very possible to have a connection to burials, even if they are very old. Having personally felt those connections, I feel that I now have a much better appreciation for the moral dilemmas associated with archaeology and the complex understandings involved in decisions and negotiations with other culture groups (like excavations of First Nations graves, for example). I guess now I have a personal conflict about whether or not excavations are the right way to discover the past - I love the information that comes out of excavations, but it is so important to understand the culture and their practices before we go and dig everyone up, to make sure that it would be somehow "ok" with them. And then, of course, this is a catch 22. How can we know anything about them if we have nothing to study?
I guess I've just now caught on to a debate that has been going on for a long time. I doubt I'll be the one to answer any of these questions, but I feel better now that I am able to fully comprehend both sides. Maybe it will make me a better archaeologist, or maybe it will make me quit, but either way, it is an interesting struggle that has really managed to dig itself into my brain!
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